Ebrahim Raisi got far in life with die-hard loyalty to the Supreme Leader.
Ebrahim Raisi spent less than three years as the president of Iran before dying alongside his foreign minister in a remote helicopter crash last weekend.
But over that period – and the decades he spent in the public eye beforehand – the 63-year-old gained a deserved reputation for brutality and fanaticism.
His election in 2021 came more than three decades after the event that would later earn Raisi the nickname the ‘Butcher of Tehran’.
Thanks to his die-hard loyalty to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and willingness to do the messy job of cracking down on his fellow Iranian citizens, his power only ever grew.
It’s believed he was among the top contenders to take over from 85-year-old Khamenei as only the third Supreme Leader since the 1979 revolution.
His death appears to clear the path for the frail current leader’s son Mojtaba, 54, to succeed his father.
However, there are many further questions about where the dramatic end of Raisi’s presidency leaves his unstable country.
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In 1988, Raisi was serving as the deputy prosecutor for the Iranian capital Tehran – a role he had taken on at the age of just 25.
By virtue of his position, he had a seat on a four-person panel that would decide the fates of thousands of political prisoners, many of whom were not much older than himself.
That panel would later become known as the ‘Death Committee’.
Their secret tribunals led to the execution of a staggering number of prisoners. International human rights groups have placed the figure at around 5,000.
Last December, Raisi decided to cancel a trip to the United Nations in Geneva, Switzerland, out of fear he could be arrested over his role in the deaths.
It’s likely that Raisi’s presidency will be remembered for two main controversies: one foreign and one domestic.
Just over a year into his term, a woman named Mahsa Amini died at a Tehran hospital five days before her 23rd birthday.
She was in police custody after being arrested over rules requiring women to wear a headscarf, and her death unleashed levels of fury never seen before in Iran.
Mass protests, led by women and girls, broke out across the country, with many tearing off their hijabs.
The government responded with extreme violence, with shotguns and submachine guns used on the demonstrators. A UN report found that some detainees were raped by security forces.
Then, just last month, Raisi was behind the first ever direct Iranian attack on Israel.
Tehran had accused Israel of orchestrating an attack on Iran’s consulate in Damascus, the capital of Syria, which killed two of its generals.
In response, Iran sent more than 300 drones and missiles across the Middle East, towards an enemy it had only previously confronted indirectly through proxy wars.
The vast majority of the weapons were intercepted and the situation has not continued to escalate as many feared. But a significant taboo had been broken.
Ebrahim Raisi’s widow is Jamileh Alamolhoda, a professor of educational philosophy who played an unusual role during her husband’s time in office.
Women are rarely visible at any level of Iranian society – even if they’re married to the president – but Alamolhoda has spoken out on a number of issues including the importance of education.
The daughter of a high-profile cleric who banned live music in one holy city, she has a PhD and is the author of eight books.
Last year, she told the Financial Times: ‘I’ve been doing this for a long time, but it feels now like I have a platform, by chance, and that my activities are visible.’
Her public profile led to criticism from some conservative figures in Iran, though she said she never did anything without talking to her husband.
Raisi and Alamolhoda have two daughters and at least one grandchild.
According to the Iranian constitution, a new presidential election must be held within 50 days of a president’s death in office.
Vice President Mohammad Mokhber has stepped into Raisi’s role temporarily, and he will join the speaker of parliament and the head of the judiciary on a three-person panel to organise the vote.
At such a febrile time for the country, the government will be anxious to get through the process as smoothly as possible.
With such a short timeline, the result may be heavily dependent on the preference of the Supreme Leader.
When Raisi ran for election in 2021, a committee under Khamenei disqualified his biggest rivals in order to clear his path – perhaps something similar will happen with his chosen pick this time round too.
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