“What is your caste?” This was the question asked by my friends from Sindh who were visiting the snow-capped valleys of Gilgit-Baltistan for their vacations. In mainland Pakistan, this might be a common question. However, for me, a resident of Gilgit-Baltistan, it is a question I rarely hear or have to answer. In fact, it is a difficult question for me to respond to.
In Punjab and Sindh, asking about one's caste is a common question because caste is a primary part of their social identity, followed by other factors like sect. However, in Gilgit-Baltistan, the hierarchy of identities is different. Let's explore the "Pyramid of Identities" in Gilgit-Baltistan: how it is structured, why it has developed this way, its negative impacts on the region, and how it could be improved.
Before diving into the main topic, it is important to understand what identity means in academic terms. In simple language, in sociology, identity refers to how individuals and groups define themselves and are defined by others based on different characteristics, roles, and affiliations. According to sociologist Erving Goffman, identity is formed and expressed through social interactions, where people perform roles and manage impressions to meet social expectations.
In the "Pyramid of Identities" in Gilgit-Baltistan, the primary identity is derived from sectarian affiliation followed by language, district and caste. Generally, individuals do not introduce themselves based on caste; instead, they emphasize their sect. The major sects in Gilgit-Baltistan are Sunni, Shia, and Ismaili. For the people of this region, sectarian identity is the most significant and defining aspect of their social identity.
Sect became the first identity as the region remained mired in the mud of geo-sectarianism for nearly four decades. Whole generations became prey to sectarian hatred and violence. Though this sectarian-based hatred was present historically too, as Colonel John Biddulph writes in his famous book Tribes of the Hindukush. However, he writes in this book that this hatred was later turned into pluralism, mutual accommodation and tolerance once the Shias and Sunnis started interacting with each other. Nevertheless after the Iranian revolution and General Zia’s Islamisation, Gilgit Baltistan became the prime theatre of sectarian violence. Therefore, the generation which is born and raised in these decades (which I term the 'Decades of Generational Loss’) defines themselves by putting sect as their first social defining identity.
Though sectarian violence has been reduced to nearly zero over the past decade, sectarian identity continues to influence nearly every sphere of life in Gilgit-Baltistan, both personal and public. Consciously and subconsciously, people still identify strongly with their sect. As a result, many governance issues in the region stem from the extreme prioritization of sectarian identity.
For example, in Gilgit city and its surrounding areas, riverside encroachments are common. People from remote areas build houses close to the rivers, yet this dangerous trend receives little attention. These encroachments are driven by sectarian motivations, with people from different sects trying to outnumber each other by increasing their presence in the city and its surroundings to assert dominance. However, this encroachment comes with significant risks and costs. Major floods could wash away these settlements, leading to significant loss of life and resources. Despite these dangers, authorities fail to address the issue because everyone is focused on promoting members of their own sect, regardless of the potential future damage.
This is just one example where a single and dominant identity is making common people and the authorities to put a blind eye of serious issues facing the Gilgit-Baltistan.
To address the issue of the over-prioritization of sectarian identity, the local and federal government can arrange week-long workshops for the youth of Gilgit-Baltistan. Youth from all sects should be invited to these workshops, where they can be taught about the concepts and practical application of shared goodness, pluralism, greater prosperity, and mutual coexistence. Such steps would benefit not only the people of Gilgit-Baltistan but also Pakistan as a whole. As Pakistan enters the second phase of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), peace in Gilgit-Baltistan becomes crucial for its successful completion. Therefore, promoting peace and unity through these workshops is essential for regional stability and national development.
