As the war in Gaza rages on, the situation in the West Bank has deteriorated. On August 28, Israeli forces began carrying out raids on the cities of Jenin and Tulkarm in the north of the territory, as well as the Al-Far’a refugee camp located slightly further south. The raids have since been ramped up.
The UN has reported that 12 Palestinians were killed in the first four days of the operations. And details have emerged of widespread destruction, with 80% of the Jenin refugee camp left without access to water.
The operations have been described by the Israeli military as “counter-terrorist measures”, following an attempted suicide bombing in Tel Aviv on August 18. A young militant commander called Mohammed Jaber, as well as Hamas commander Wassem Hazem, have both been killed as part of the operations.
Israel’s ongoing raids have led to retaliation. This included two car bombs that were detonated in the Gush Etzion area of the West Bank on August 30 by Palestinian militants. The militants were shot dead by Israeli troops and two people were taken to hospital.
The incursions into the West Bank have occurred against the backdrop of the war in Gaza, and are in line with the Israeli government’s aim to eradicate Hamas. But operations in the West Bank billed as counter-terrorist measures by Israeli forces are certainly not new.
Israel last staged a large-scale incursion into Jenin in July 2023. The operation, which saw a barrage of drone strikes and the deployment of hundreds of troops, lasted two days and caused significant damage to Jenin’s crowded refugee camp.
I wrote at the time that the waning influence of the Palestinian Authority in the camp had created a power vacuum. This vacuum was filled by militant groups such as Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. Both groups were responsible for the murder and abduction of Israelis on October 7.
The Jenin refugee camp has long been seen as the centre of Palestinian resistance. Palestinians in the West Bank have experienced a history of displacement and disenfranchisement. And this has seen little improvement even after the Palestinian Authority was given administrative duties as part of the Oslo peace process of the 1990s.
The violence and poverty experienced by young people as a result of the Israeli military occupation has pushed many into joining the militant groups. According to Palestinian analyst, Mohammed Daraghmeh, Palestinian militant groups have been growing in the northern West Bank since 2022. But this growth has increased significantly since October 7.
Israel has chosen to respond with further violence. On a visit to Jenin on August 31, Israel Defense Forces (IDF) chief of staff, Lieutenant general Herzi Halevi, asserted that he “would not let terror take a foothold in the West Bank”. He said that the IDF will “move from city to city, from refugee camp to refugee camp” to eradicate it.
Israeli forces have conducted several major raids in the West Bank since the start of the war in Gaza. According to the Palestinian Ministry of Health, at least 652 Palestinians have been killed in the territory during this period.
These deaths cannot be attributed solely to the Israeli military. Israeli settlers have also engaged in violent attacks against Palestinians, with little intervention from the army. This violence arguably only serves to further encourage resistance and militant defiance among Palestinians.
These latest Israeli incursions into the West Bank have been condemned by the international community. A UN statement released on August 28 emphasised that Israel, as the occupying power, is bound by international law to protect the Palestinian population.
But my own research has found that, even if international laws of occupation are followed, they can rubber stamp counterinsurgency measures.
Certain clauses within the international laws of occupation recognise the legitimacy of the occupying force to protect its own security against what is likely to be a hostile population. Israel can therefore argue that it is not violating international law by conducting these “counter-terrorist” raids.
Indeed, the application of international humanitarian and human rights law can allow certain violations of rights to be justified in the eyes of the law. But the human rights concerns in the West Bank, which are already numerous, are growing.
They include not only the destruction caused by Israel’s regular incursions into areas that are supposed to be under the control of the Palestinian Authority. They also encompass the continued building of illegal Jewish settlements, and the Israeli army’s failure to protect Palestinians against settler violence.
It’s no surprise, then, that there has been a shift towards calling Israel’s occupation of the West Bank inherently illegal. Most recently, the International Court of Justice ruled that Israel’s continued presence in the occupied territories is unlawful and should come to an end.
Unless pressure is placed on Israel to end its occupation, the cycle of violence will only continue.
Leonie Fleischmann does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
