Transcending the many issues of bitter contention in Israel these days is the government’s March 17 decision to hold an annual national commemoration of the events of October 7 and the Swords of Iron Operation. This year, the commemoration will be held on October 7; thereafter, it will take place on 24 Tishrei (or the following day, if the 24th is on a Shabbat) – two days after Simchat Torah.
The government decision mentions that those responsible for organizing the event are Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu; Transportation Minister Miri Regev, who is responsible for organizing national events; the Defense Ministry; and those in charge of national ceremonies and events in the Prime Minister’s Office.
It was decided that the ceremony to commemorate the fallen soldiers in the war would take place at 11 a.m., while the ceremony to commemorate civilians slain on October 7, at 1 p.m. No other details were provided regarding the ceremonies and accompanying events.
Clearly, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to separate politics from the need or desire to commemorate the events since Hamas’s mega-atrocity.
We all agree that the events since October 7 began with a cruel, unprovoked, murderous attack by Hamas on Israeli areas adjacent to the Gaza Strip, which resulted in 1,200 people of all ages being mercilessly butchered; some 250 abducted as hostages and 80,000 removed from their homes around the Gaza Strip and along the border with Lebanon, for safety reasons.
There is also a consensus that Israel had no alternative but to retaliate, not out of feelings of revenge, but because of our right to defend ourselves and prevent a future repetition of the events of October 7. But apart from the technical aspects of the commemoration ceremonies – the sirens, standing at attention, not holding festivities, possibly closing eateries – that consensus ends.
Some believe that the heads of the security forces and political leaders hold equal responsibility for the catastrophic events of October 7 and that they should resign or be removed as soon as practicable. Others believe that the sole culprits are the security forces and that those on the political level are free of blame. These include Netanyahu and Regev.
There are those who believe that the situation requires new elections immediately, which would likely result in a change of government. Others believe that as long as the war continues, in one form or another, new elections should not take place. Many of these (including, some say, the prime minister, though he has denied it) are also willing to prolong the war precisely to avoid elections for as long as possible.
While most Israelis desire a decisive victory over Hamas, many also believe that it is vital to bring back the remaining 109 hostages – 36 of whom are determined to be dead, at almost any price, before all of them die or are killed – and temporarily ending the war and enabling Hamas to survive a little longer.
IN FACT, IT is impossible to form a single narrative about the events of October 7, and the ensuing war, that will satisfy everyone. I doubt if we will ever agree on a single narrative, but certainly not before the current situation is resolved or at least assuaged, enabling us to at least return to a semblance of normalcy.
However, the depression and post-trauma – both among the civilian population directly affected by the events of October 7 and what followed, and among those who engaged in battle – are going to linger for many years. For them, normalcy is an almost unachievable goal. Furthermore, in the absence of a solution to the Palestinian problem, normalcy will never be achieved.
Another obvious difficulty is that many of the October 7 victims are unwilling to have anything to do with any official events organized by the government. Though the southern cities of Sderot and Ofakim, in which massacres took place on October 7, and from which hostages were abducted, are willing to collaborate with the government over the commemoration ceremonies, all the kibbutzim from the Gaza border communities that experienced the same fate (only in larger proportions) are not; nor is the Hostages and Missing Families Forum.
The contempt, disregard, and even neglect that the kibbutzim have experienced from the government in general, and the prime minister and transportation minister in particular, have also created an attitude of “we want neither your honey nor your sting.” The families of those killed in the Supernova music festival, and the survivors, are also feeling despondent for the same reasons.
Regev, in a voice full of contempt, compared the initiatives for alternative October 7 commemoration ceremonies to those organized by Israeli and Palestinian families every Remembrance Day. She apparently views alternative ceremonies as a form of treason.
The protests of the hostages’ families against Netanyahu’s failure to do everything to bring their loved ones back as soon as possible, before they all perish, and the objection of many groups and individuals to the ceremonies being planned by the government for October 7, have been referred to by Regev as “background noises.” She added that this “noise” will not deter her from organizing a filmed national ceremony, without a live audience, and with a prerecorded address by the prime minister.
President Isaac Herzog has offered to help unravel the mess and hold a live commemoration ceremony at his residence, though the chances of this happening are low. Even if Netanyahu and Regev accept this offer, they are unlikely to keep their hands off the narrative that would accompany the ceremony.
Trying to bring about at least a modicum of unity and consensus within the Israeli population does not seem to be on either Netanyahu’s or Regev’s agendas.
The writer worked in the Knesset for many years as a researcher, and has published extensively both journalistic and academic articles on current affairs and Israeli politics. Her most recent book, Israel’s Knesset Members: A Comparative Study of an Undefined Job, was published by Routledge.
