The Beninese and Nigerien population are suffering from the economic toll the closure has taken.
Originally published on Global Voices
Trucks headed for Niger wait at the closed Niger-Benin border in Malanville, Benin in August, 2023. The trucks, carrying aid, food and industrial equipment, were barred from crossing the border to Niger. Screenshot Tv5monde YouTube chanel
A diplomatic crisis fueled by political tension between Niger and Benin is hampering economic activity in both countries.
Since the coup d’etat on July 26, 2023 in the West African nation of Niger, the Beninese–Nigerien border has remained closed, blocking critical commerce between the two nations. Meanwhile, the Beninese and Nigerien populations are suffering from the economic toll of the closure. It is imperative that both nations set aside their political differences and take steps to reopen the border for the benefit of their citizens.
Immediately after the Niger coup in July 2023, Benin and its Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) partners imposed sanctions and closed borders with Niger — a sensible and timely response. This diplomatic pressure was an appropriate reaction to the junta’s overthrow of Niger’s democratically-elected president, Mohamed Bazoum. These measures aimed to restore constitutional order in Niger and prevent the spread of coups in West Africa.
Additionally, an open border causes security concerns for Benin, as a junta-led Niger is conducive to harboring extremist groups, endangering the entire region. Since the coup, both Niger and Benin have seen a spike in the number of people killed by extremist groups. A study by the Institute for Security Studies on Sahelian extremism found that Benin’s loosely-administered, porous border areas with Niger, Nigeria and Burkina Faso pose an increased risk of terrorism to the country.
As Cameron Hudson, Africa Program Manager at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), explains on his X (formerly Twitter) account:
Reminder of scale/scope of jihadist attacks across Sahel in recent yrs. Unlike Mali and Burkina, violence is far closer to Niger's capital, Niamey, making the military's coup even more perplexing since on their own, without Western support, they're unlikely to counter the threat pic.twitter.com/6r43qrEMHL
— Cameron Hudson (@_hudsonc) July 27, 2023
Yet, all this time later, Niger’s military junta has made no indication that it will give up power. Instead of prompting Niger to hold democratic elections, the border closure has hit Beninese citizens hardest. Many northern communities that depended on transborder trade for their livelihoods have been left struggling to make ends meet.
As a result, illicit trade and migration between the two nations has proliferated. The Malanville–Gaya border crossing, for instance, has become a hotbed for the trafficking of goods. While the border closure was supposed to put pressure on the Nigerien economy, which relies on Beninese ports to transport its valuable oil resources worldwide, it has instead promoted illegal, unregulated activity in the region.
Further, this economic crisis poses an increased security threat to Benin. Those who are poor and vulnerable are much more likely to join violent extremist groups, which increasingly endanger northern Benin. What arises is a dilemma between securing the Beninese border from Niger-born threats and stabilizing the economic environment of northern Benin itself to guard against internal risks.
Patrice Talon, president of Benin, says:
Patrice Talon : « Si demain les autorités nigériennes décident de collaborer avec le Bénin de manière formelle, les bateaux viendront charger ; mais pas dans un environnement informel et dans une adversité qui ne se justifie point ». #Niger #Bénin pic.twitter.com/9NWcMPaNx8
— LSI AFRICA (@lsiafrica) May 8, 2024
Patrice Talon: “If tomorrow the Niger authorities decide to collaborate with Benin in a formal way, the boats will come to load; but not in an informal environment and in an adversity which is not justified”. #Niger #Bénin pic.twitter.com/9NWcMPaNx8— LSI AFRICA (@lsiafrica) May 8, 2024
Since its initial response, Benin has lifted sanctions and loosened some border restrictions, but, because Niger has not reciprocated, the situation remains at an impasse.
The Nigerien junta is resistant to opening its border because it believes that the French military stationed in Northern Benin are training terrorists, aiming to infiltrate Niger. There is no evidence of such activity. X user Sprinter comments:
Niger refused to open the border with Benin, fearing French intervention in the country. The leader of the M62 movement, which stood at the origins of the anti-French coup, Abdoulaye Seydoux, spoke about this in a conversation with the African Initiative.
“We know that French troops are stationed in Benin, especially on the border with Niger, in the Malanville area and so on. So these bases, the French military presence, have no other purpose than to destabilize the situation in our country, so for us to open the border means taking a risk,” says Seydoux. “We are vigilant and will continue to ensure that our territory has not become the target of aggression from any side.”
Benin initially closed its borders with Niger in support of ECOWAS sanctions. The use of the port of Cotonou in Benin was also restricted. After sanctions reduced port revenues, Benin announced it was lifting its suspension of Nigerien imports transiting Cotonou. However, Niger refused to use the port.
— S p r i n t e r (@SprinterFamily) February 27, 2024
In this context, Beninese leaders must continue to work towards a solution that allows for the legal transportation of goods and people across the border, but in a limited, regulated and controlled manner. Vital economic activity must resume for the good of Benin’s economy and the well-being of its people. Yet, a total border opening could cause security concerns. So, reopening the border in one or two locations with high security presence has the potential to achieve Benin’s desired goals.
Hundreds of trucks blocked at Benin-Niger border
More than a hundred trucks bound for Niger are blocked in Malanville, the border town between Benin and Niger, following the coup.
The blockage has been going on for over a week, with Benin having closed its border with Niger in accordance with one of the decisions taken by the ECOWAS. Transporters in the border town lament they have been hard hit.
“When you're parked like that, the validity of the insurance runs out every day, the technical inspection too, the papers are running out. Let's not even talk about the food here. How much are you going to eat in two weeks?” lament drivers.
— DD Geopolitics (@DD_Geopolitics) August 13, 2023
The Beninese government should step up its efforts to reconcile the border crisis, even if it means conceding to certain Nigerien demands.
Benin’s new envoy to Niger, Ambassador Gildas Djobloski Agonkan, can hopefully reinvigorate negotiations with Niger’s newly-appointed ambassador to Benin. These new leaders should take advantage of the potential to make significant progress in talks.
Activist Cheick Tidiane Diarra highlights the ineffectiveness of ECOWAS sanctions in efforts to successfully resolve the situation. Discussing the lack of progress after sanctions lifted, he tweets:
#AES vs #CEDEAO | Levée des sanctions, un non événement
…Ce décalage entre les décisions prises au niveau supranational soulève des questions sur l'efficacité des sanctions comme outil de #politique étrangère, notamment dans un contexte où les dynamiques internes et les intérêts nationaux peuvent influencer la réceptivité et la conformité des États concernés.
— ???????????????????????? ???????????????????????????? ???????????????????????? (@CheickIbtidiani) February 29, 2024
#AES vs #CEDEAO | Lifting sanctions, a non-event
…This disconnect between decisions taken at the supranational level raises questions about the effectiveness of sanctions as a #foreignpolicy tool, particularly in a context where internal dynamics and national interests can influence the receptivity and compliance of the states concerned.
— ???????????????????????? ???????????????????????????? ???????????????????????? (@CheickIbtidiani) February 29, 2024
Benin must not abandon efforts to advance democracy in Niger. It can offer economic incentives, election assistance and support Nigerien civil society groups — and encourage ECOWAS allies to do the same.
However, Benin cannot sacrifice the prosperity of its own citizens trying to save another country’s democracy. It must look out for itself first. Backtracking on its initial efforts to restore Nigerien civilian rule should not be perceived as “giving in” to the demands of Niger’s junta, rather it should be viewed as doing what is necessary for its own citizens.
Megan Fahrney is a U.S. Fulbright fellow. The views expressed are solely the author’s and do not represent the views of the United States government.
