Imagine, if you will, a world in which the rules and institutions of global governance actually reflected the underlying distribution of power on the world stage. In such a world, the major powers wouldn’t be locked in a struggle for outdated ideologies or clinging to an order built for a bygone era. Instead, they would cooperate to manage competition, prevent conflict and address pressing global issues that threaten all nations.
This vision may sound utopian, but history offers compelling examples — most notably the 19th-century Concert of Europe and the post–Cold War liberal international order — where a close alignment between power and governance structures fostered a period of relative stability and progress.
But the current international order demonstrably fails this test. The material base of international politics is undeniably multipolar. Great power competition, multi-alignment and the rise of the Global South are defining features of the 21st century. Yet the institutional superstructure — the UN Security Council and the postwar order’s attendant institutions — remains anchored in the past.
This disjuncture between power and governance is a major source of global disorder. The Security Council, designed for a bygone era of great power consensus, struggles to address contemporary challenges due to its veto-wielding permanent members.
So, how can we bridge this gap? History offers potential solutions. The Concert of Europe, established after the Napoleonic Wars, provides a fascinating case study.
Following Napoleon’s defeat in 1815, Austria, Prussia, Russia and the United Kingdom formed a series of alliances not to dominate Europe, but to prevent Napoleon’s return to power and uphold the territorial settlements established by the Congress of Vienna. This loose confederation of states relied on diplomacy, conferences and collective military action to address crises and maintain the balance of power. While not without flaws, particularly its tendency to prioritize the interests of the major powers over the concerns of smaller nations, the Concert of Europe offers a framework for a contemporary “Concert of Powers” or even what some have characterized as a “Concert of Civilizations.”
American participation in such a concert would necessitate a significant strategic shift. The current U.S.-led international order is built on a network of formal alliances, primarily NATO, designed for the Cold War’s bipolar confrontation. For a new concert to function, the U.S. would need to transition away from rigid alliances and embrace a more flexible, issue-based approach to cooperation.
This wouldn’t mean abandoning all security partnerships. The U.S. could forge ad hoc coalitions with various powers depending on the specific challenge at hand. For instance, America might cooperate with China on climate change mitigation strategies while working with Russia on nonproliferation initiatives. This approach would be more reflective of the multipolar reality and allow the U.S. to navigate the complexities of great power competition without alienating potential partners.
Of course, this vision of a new concert is not without its challenges. Building trust among major powers with historically antagonistic relations and divergent interests will be difficult. The rise of nationalism and populism within many countries could further complicate cooperation on a global scale. However, the alternative — clinging to a defunct order ill-suited for the 21st century — is far worse. The current system breeds instability, hinders collective action on pressing global issues and increases the risk of inadvertent conflict between major powers.
The United States, as a leading power in the international landscape, has a significant role to play. A Concert of Powers, while demanding a strategic shift, offers a more stable and realistic framework for managing the multipolar world we inhabit.
Foremost, the UN Security Council as currently constituted cannot serve as the institutional manifestation of a new Concert of Powers. A product of the post–World War II liberal international order, the Security Council lacks the agility of the historical Concert of Europe. Its cumbersome structure, requiring unanimity among the permanent members, is ill-suited for the ever-changing realities of a multipolar world.
A new Concert of Powers would need a more flexible institutional framework, one that allows for the inclusion of emerging powers and fosters a more dynamic process of consultation and decision-making. The success of this new Concert would hinge on the ability of the great powers — the U.S., China, India, the European Union, Japan and Russia — to find common ground on a core set of principles. These principles could include respect for territorial integrity, peaceful resolution of disputes and collective action on global threats.
The concert would also need to establish clear mechanisms for communication, deliberation and dispute settlement. Regular summits between leaders of the major powers, along with dedicated working groups focused on specific issue areas, would be essential.
The new Concert of Powers could also leverage the existing strengths of regional organizations. These bodies, such as the African Union, the Arab League and the Organization of American States, possess a deep understanding of the challenges and opportunities facing their respective regions. By incorporating these regional organizations into the framework of the concert, the major powers can ensure broader participation from a wider range of countries and foster a sense of legitimacy for the concert’s decisions.
The road to a new Concert of Powers will undoubtedly be challenging. The major powers will need to overcome historical distrust, forge new relationships and navigate the complexities of a multipolar world. However, the alternative — a world of escalating great power competition, unchecked global threats and a dysfunctional international order — is far more dangerous.
The time for clinging to the vestiges of a bygone era has passed. The 21st century demands a new approach to global governance, one that reflects the realities of power and fosters cooperation in the face of shared challenges. The U.S., by leading the way in forging a new Concert of Powers, can ensure its continued role as a vital player on the world stage and help usher in a new era of international peace and prosperity.
Andrew Latham is a professor of international relations at Macalester College in Saint Paul, Minn., a senior fellow at the Institute for Peace and Diplomacy and a non-resident fellow at Defense Priorities in Washington, D.C.
